Welcome to DU! The truly grassroots left-of-center political community where regular people, not algorithms, drive the discussions and set the standards. Join the community: Create a free account Support DU (and get rid of ads!): Become a Star Member Latest Breaking News General Discussion The DU Lounge All Forums Issue Forums Culture Forums Alliance Forums Region Forums Support Forums Help & Search
 

ehrnst

(32,640 posts)
Wed Sep 26, 2018, 09:16 AM Sep 2018

New Yorker October 10 issue: How Russia Helped Swing the Election for Trump

The President’s supporters will likely characterize the study as an act of partisan warfare. But in person Jamieson, who wears her gray hair in a pixie cut and favors silk scarves and matronly tweeds, looks more likely to suspend a troublemaker than to be one. She is seventy-one, and has spent forty years studying political speeches, ads, and debates. Since 1993, she has directed the Annenberg Public Policy Center, at Penn, and in 2003 she co-founded FactCheck.org, a nonpartisan watchdog group. She is widely respected by political experts in both parties, though her predominantly male peers have occasionally mocked her scholarly intensity, calling her the Drill Sergeant. As Steven Livingston, a professor of political communication at George Washington University, puts it, “She is the epitome of a humorless, no-nonsense social scientist driven by the numbers. She doesn’t bullshit. She calls it straight.”

......................................................................................
Her case is based on a growing body of knowledge about the electronic warfare waged by Russian trolls and hackers—whom she terms “discourse saboteurs”—and on five decades’ worth of academic studies about what kinds of persuasion can influence voters, and under what circumstances. Democracies around the world, she told me, have begun to realize that subverting an election doesn’t require tampering with voting machines. Extensive studies of past campaigns, Jamieson said, have demonstrated that “you can affect people, who then change their decision, and that alters the outcome.” She continued, “I’m not arguing that Russians pulled the voting levers. I’m arguing that they persuaded enough people to either vote a certain way or not vote at all.”

......................................................................................

The dynamic recurred in the third debate, on October 19th, which 71.6 million people watched. When Trump accused Clinton of favoring “open borders,” she denied it, but the moderator, Chris Wallace, challenged her by citing a snippet from a speech that she had given, in 2013, to a Brazilian bank: “My dream is a hemispheric common market with open trade and open borders.” Again, there was no mention of the fact that the speech had been stolen by a hostile foreign power; Wallace said that the quotation had come from WikiLeaks. The clear implication of Wallace’s question was that Clinton had been hiding her true beliefs, and Trump said to him, “Thank you!” His supporters in the audience laughed. Clinton said that the phrase had been taken out of context: she’d been referring not to immigrants but to an open-bordered electric grid with Latin America. She tried to draw attention to Russia’s role in hacking the speech, but Trump mocked her for accusing Putin, and joked, “That was a great pivot off the fact that she wants open borders.” He then warned the audience that, if Clinton were elected, Syrians and other immigrants would “pour into our country.”

The fact-checking organization PolitiFact later concluded that Trump had incorrectly characterized Clinton’s speech, but the damage had been done. Jamieson’s research indicated that viewers who watched the second and third debates subsequently saw Clinton as less forthright, and Trump as more forthright. Among people who did not watch the debates, Clinton’s reputation was not damaged in this way. During the weeks that the debates took place, the moderators and the media became consumed by an anti-Clinton narrative driven by Russian hackers. In “Cyberwar,” Jamieson writes, “The stolen goods lent credibility” to “those moderator queries.”

..........................................................................................


Joel Benenson, the Clinton pollster, was stunned when he learned, from the July indictment, that the Russians had stolen his campaign’s internal modelling. “I saw it and said, ‘Holy shit!’ ” he told me. Among the proprietary information that the Russian hackers could have obtained, he said, was campaign data showing that, late in the summer of 2016, in battleground states such as Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, an unusually high proportion of residents whose demographic and voting profiles identified them as likely Democrats were “Hillary defectors”: people so unhappy with Clinton that they were considering voting for a third-party candidate. The Clinton campaign had a plan for winning back these voters. Benenson explained that any Clinton opponent who stole this data would surely have realized that the best way to counter the plan was to bombard those voters with negative information about Clinton. “All they need to do is keep that person where they are,” he said, which is far easier than persuading a voter to switch candidates. Many critics have accused Clinton of taking Michigan and Wisconsin for granted and spending virtually no time there. But Benenson said that, if a covert social-media campaign targeting “Hillary defectors” was indeed launched in battleground states, it might well have changed the outcome of the election.

Benenson said, “We lost Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin—three states of our Blue Wall—by about eighty thousand votes. Six hundred and sixty thousand votes were cast in those three states for third-party candidates. Winning those three states would have got us to two hundred and seventy-eight electoral votes.” In other words, if only twelve per cent of those third-party voters were persuaded by Russian propaganda—based on hacked Clinton-campaign analytics—not to vote for Clinton, then Jamieson’s theory could be valid.


https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2018/10/01/how-russia-helped-to-swing-the-election-for-trump
4 replies = new reply since forum marked as read
Highlight: NoneDon't highlight anything 5 newestHighlight 5 most recent replies
New Yorker October 10 issue: How Russia Helped Swing the Election for Trump (Original Post) ehrnst Sep 2018 OP
None of this surprises me anymore. We must do all we can to encourage are own Ninga Sep 2018 #1
Kick dalton99a Sep 2018 #2
Coordinated fake news wit trump campaign Johnny2X2X Sep 2018 #3
K&R betsuni Sep 2018 #4

Ninga

(8,275 posts)
1. None of this surprises me anymore. We must do all we can to encourage are own
Wed Sep 26, 2018, 09:24 AM
Sep 2018

personal network of family and friends to vote.

Johnny2X2X

(19,038 posts)
3. Coordinated fake news wit trump campaign
Wed Sep 26, 2018, 09:39 AM
Sep 2018

I have yet to see real analysis done of what was obviously happening. The campaign was coordinating their message and attacks daily with Russian generated fake news stories being pushed on social media. I'd like to see a group study what fake stories were trending vs what Trump's message was on a daily or even hourly basis throughout the campaign. It was more than obvious that the Russians were generating news stories in complete synchronicity with Trump's message. And sometimes Trump would talk about it first and be backed up right away by this Fake News and sometimes it was the other way around, Trump would have a rally discussing this evenings trending fake news stories. And they were clever enough to make the fake news stories expand on the real ones about Hillary, that was easy.

Here's what was obvious to me. Trump's campaign and the Russians generating the fake Facebook stories were talking on a daily basis. The Trump campaign was likely vetting and approving the content and timing of a lot of the stories so that Trump could always be talking about things that were on the minds of these targeted voters because they had just read or shared Fake News about them, or that whatever he said would always be backed up when they checked their Facebook feed that night. A lot of people unfriended or stopped following people of Facebook, I didn't I saw all the crazy stuff my Trump inclined friends were sharing and in many cases my Bernie or bust friends and family too. I tried to combat them, but it was a little overwhelming at times. And it was impossible to miss that Trump and these stories were playing off each other non stop.

Latest Discussions»General Discussion»New Yorker October 10 iss...