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Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:38 PM

Know Thy Enemy Before 2024

Last edited Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:54 PM - Edit history (1)

I highly recommend that everyone read this pre-election, 11-page Nov 2 New Yorker article by Nicholas Lemann. "The After Party," examines Trump/Republican Party history, and which features and ideas might form the basis for its newly revised messaging and players by 2024. Discussed are Tom Cotton, Josh Hawley (Remnant scenario), Tucker Carlson, Pence, Pompeo, Nikki Haley (Restoration scenario), Marco Rubio (Reversalist scenario), who gets special attention, along with Jamie Dimon and Jerry Nadler.

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/11/02/the-republican-identity-crisis-after-trump

Let me know if you still hit a paywall under my signed in account, and I'll copy/paste the whole thing.

The second half (after a Trump/Republican review) is the most informative part, so if you're short on time, begin here:

Donald Trump is far too bizarre to be precisely replicable as a model for the generic Republican of the future. That raises the question of where the Republican Party will go after he leaves office. The jockeying for the 2024 Republican nomination is already well under way. Did Trump’s ascension represent a significant change in the Party’s orientation, and, if so, will the change be temporary or lasting?

Among the Republicans I spoke to, some of whom will vote for Trump and some of whom won’t, there are three competing predictions about the future of the Party over the coming years. Let’s call them the Remnant, Restoration, and Reversal scenarios.


Lemann is at least a starting point in our knowing who we'll be up against when Trump doesn't dominate.


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Arrow 18 replies Author Time Post
Reply Know Thy Enemy Before 2024 (Original post)
ancianita Nov 2020 OP
AleksS Nov 2020 #1
ancianita Nov 2020 #2
VA_Jill Nov 2020 #4
ancianita Nov 2020 #6
VA_Jill Nov 2020 #11
ancianita Nov 2020 #13
ancianita Nov 2020 #15
VA_Jill Nov 2020 #17
ancianita Nov 2020 #18
AleksS Nov 2020 #7
ancianita Nov 2020 #10
VA_Jill Nov 2020 #3
ancianita Nov 2020 #5
VA_Jill Nov 2020 #12
ancianita Nov 2020 #16
Missn-Hitch Nov 2020 #14
Laelth Nov 2020 #8
ancianita Nov 2020 #9

Response to ancianita (Original post)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:42 PM

1. But who beats trump or a trumpspawn in the primaries?

Especially if there are a pile of candidates?

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Response to AleksS (Reply #1)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:44 PM

2. Good question to hold while you read this. They are already showing themselves.

The whole article is instructive, and worth our examining before Jan 20.

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Response to ancianita (Reply #2)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:51 PM

4. Paywall n/t

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Response to ancianita (Reply #2)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:54 PM

6. Shit. Hold on... I'll sign in on my account. See if you can get in through it. Let me know if

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Response to ancianita (Reply #6)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:12 PM

11. Nope

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #11)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:35 PM

13. So, would you like a copy/paste?

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #11)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:53 PM

15. Okay, here.

Donald Trump is far too bizarre to be precisely replicable as a model for the generic Republican of the future. That raises the question of where the Republican Party will go after he leaves office. The jockeying for the 2024 Republican nomination is already well under way. Did Trump’s ascension represent a significant change in the Party’s orientation, and, if so, will the change be temporary or lasting?

Among the Republicans I spoke to, some of whom will vote for Trump and some of whom won’t, there are three competing predictions about the future of the Party over the coming years. Let’s call them the Remnant, Restoration, and Reversal scenarios.

Most of the 2016 Republican Presidential candidates accepted the post-2012-autopsy argument that the Party, with its overwhelming lack of appeal to nonwhite voters, was in a demographic death spiral. Trump ran a campaign that seemed designed to appeal only to whites—indeed, only to whites who didn’t like nonwhites. That worked well in the Republican primaries, and well enough in the general election for Trump to eke out a victory that would have been impossible without the Electoral College system. He also did slightly better with minority voters than Romney had, though minority turnout was significantly lower than it had been in the two elections when Barack Obama was the Democratic nominee.

Could somebody else use the Trump playbook to win a Presidential election? Those who believe in the Remnant scenario think so. It would require extremely high motivation among Trump’s base—mainly exurban or rural, actively religious, and not highly educated—along with a strong appeal to affluent whites, continued modest inroads with minority voters, and a low turnout among Democrats. If a politician were able to tap into the deep antipathy toward “élites” in the Trump heartland, he could compensate, at least in part, for the demographic decline of white voters. In the years between the elections of 1996 and 2016, the Democratic Party lost its voting majority in about a thousand of the three thousand counties in the United States—none in major population centers. Trump carried eighty-four per cent of the counties.

Stalwart Trump fans talk about a looming liberal takeover of all aspects of American life, including religious life, and a domination of the middle of the country by sophisticated, prosperous, snobbish, ruthless people. The ur-text for this viewpoint is “The Flight 93 Election,” an essay published in the Claremont Review of Books in 2016. Its author, Michael Anton, who worked briefly at the National Security Council in the Trump Administration, has just published a book called “The Stakes: America at the Point of No Return,” in which he warns that “red America might quietly—at first spontaneously, but later perhaps through more explicit cooperation—start to make federal operations on their turf more difficult.”

The Remnant strategy entails relentless attacks. It rests on the idea of an outpowered cohort of traditional Americans who see themselves as courageously defending their values. The obvious candidate to carry out a high Trumpist strategy in 2024 would be Donald Trump, Jr., who is an active speaker in Trump-admiring circles and in the past two years has published two books that excoriate liberals. Several other potential Republican candidates, most notably Senators Tom Cotton, of Arkansas, and Josh Hawley, of Missouri, have demonstrated that they see Trump’s success as instructive. Between them, Cotton and Hawley have two degrees from Harvard, one from Yale, and one from Stanford, but both have been steadily propounding populist and nationalist themes. The forty-year-old Hawley, who is only two years into his first term and is the youngest member of the Senate, is a relentless Twitter user, frequently targeting China, Silicon Valley, and liberals who are hostile to religion. Like Trump in 2016, he almost never argues for less government, and often calls for programs to help working people. In the summer of 2019, he gave a speech at the National Conservatism Conference denouncing “a powerful upper class and their cosmopolitan priorities,” which, he implied, had gained control of both parties. There is also Tucker Carlson, of Fox News, who, like Trump in 2016, has no political experience and a large television audience. He offers up ferocious attacks on élites almost nightly. Charles Kesler told me that, no matter who wins, the Claremont Institute, which publishes the Claremont Review of Books, is going to start a Washington branch after the election, to devise Trumpian policies: socially conservative, economically nationalist.

Under the Restoration scenario, if Trump loses, Republicans, as if waking from a bad dream, could recapture their essential identity for the past hundred years as the party of business. They could revive a Reagan-like optimistic rhetoric of freedom and enterprise; resume an internationalist, alliance-oriented foreign policy; and embrace, at least notionally, diversity and immigration. One veteran Republican campaigner with Restorationist leanings says that, if Trump wins, “it’ll blow up the Republican Party. In the 2022 election, we’ll have an epic disaster—a wipeout of epic proportions.” Instead of Trumpism, “economic growth with an emphasis on character, and treating the Democrats as opponents and not as the enemy, is a way forward for the Party.”

Many Never Trumpers would feel comfortable again in a Restorationist Republican Party. Restoration could entail a conventionally positioned Presidential candidate, such as Mike Pence or Mike Pompeo, the Secretary of State, if it’s possible for them to shake off their close association with Trump. But the most discussed Restorationist candidate is Nikki Haley, the former governor of South Carolina and a former U.N. ambassador. Haley is the child of immigrants from India (one a professor at Voorhees College, a historically Black college, the other a schoolteacher who started a successful business selling clothing and accessories from around the world) and the sister of a military veteran. She achieved the rare feat of serving in the Trump Administration without either going full Trumpist or falling out with the President. She left, evidently on good terms with Trump, shortly after it emerged that she had accepted rides on private planes from businessmen in South Carolina. She was given a starring role at Trump’s renomination convention, this past August.

Some Republicans who are vociferously pro-Trump sound, in conversations about the Party’s future, more like Restorationists who regard him as a temporary jolt of shock therapy. During the 2016 campaign, Hugh Hewitt, a conservative radio star, hosted Trump on his show sixteen times. He applauds Trump’s tax cuts and his increases in the military budget. Hewitt, who was sitting in front of a poster-size photograph of Abraham Lincoln when we spoke over Zoom, told me, “Trump introduced a combativeness and aggressiveness on the Republican side. We played by country-club rules. They didn’t. There’s a certain roughness to him. He was cruel occasionally. He wakes up ready to fight every day, and you don’t need to fight every day. After Trump, the Party will revert to the norm.”

Karl Rove, George W. Bush’s chief strategist, also struck a Restorationist note. One of Rove’s recent projects was a book about William McKinley, the twenty-fifth President. He regards McKinley, who defeated a populist opponent, William Jennings Bryan, in the 1896 Presidential election, as the first modern Republican politician. Rove doesn’t see populism, or division, as a winning stance for the Republicans. “Biden has the better hand in this election,” he told me, meaning that Biden could be running—to use one of Bush’s favorite terms—as the uniter. But, according to Rove, Biden “won’t play it.” Rove offered up an impromptu speech that he thought Biden should have made about the unrest in Portland: “The murder of George Floyd tears at every beating heart in America. But nothing justifies the violence we see on the streets of Portland.”

The Reversal scenario, though perhaps the least plausible, is the most threatening to the Democratic Party. The parties would essentially switch the roles they have had for the past century: the Republicans would replace the Democrats as the party of the people, the one with a greater emphasis on progressive economic policies for ordinary families. Some Reversalists have praised Elizabeth Warren; criticizing Wall Street and free trade is pretty much a membership requirement. Michael Podhorzer, who works at the A.F.L.-C.I.O., sent me a chart he had made that showed the vote in congressional districts, ranked by median income, from 1960 to today. For most of that time, districts in the bottom forty per cent of income were far more likely to vote Democratic. But by 2010 the lines had crossed—perhaps because of the financial crisis and the Great Recession, perhaps because of the Presidency of Barack Obama—and today poorer districts are far more likely to vote Republican and richer districts are far more likely to vote Democratic. The ten richest congressional districts in the country, and forty-four of the richest fifty, are represented by Democrats. The French economist Thomas Piketty has produced a chart showing that for highly educated voters, who were once mainly Republican, the lines started crossing back in 1968. In 2016, Trump carried non-college-educated whites by thirty-six points, and Hillary Clinton carried college-educated whites by seventeen points. Could Republicans become the working-class party, and Democrats the party of the prosperous? That would bode well for Republicans because, especially in a time of rising inequality, there aren’t enough prosperous people to make up a reliable voting majority.

The Democratic Party appears confident that it has the abiding loyalty of minority voters at all income and education levels, and that it dominates the metropolitan areas where a growing majority of Americans live. The coming majority-minority, decreasingly rural country will be naturally Democratic over the long term. But there are holes in this argument. Because minorities are younger than whites and are also less likely to be U.S. citizens, the electorate could remain white-majority for decades. Richard Alba, a sociologist who has written a book called “The Great Demographic Illusion,” which challenges the idea of a rapidly arriving majority-minority America, estimates that in 2060, which is as far into the future as the Census Bureau projects, the electorate will still be fifty-five per cent white. (It was seventy-three per cent white in 2018). And minority voters—especially Latinos, who will be the largest group of minority voters in the 2020 election—may not remain as loyally Democratic as they have been in recent elections, especially if the Republican Party has a leader who doesn’t race-bait. Black and Latino Democratic voters are substantially less likely to identify as liberal than white Democratic voters are. They are also more likely to be actively religious, and to pursue Republican-leaning careers such as military service and law enforcement.

What’s more, the practical definitions of who’s white and who’s a minority are fluid. During the past hundred years, many Americans who weren’t originally considered white, including the descendants of immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, were assimilated into whiteness. In the future, others who aren’t now considered white may do so, too. Latinos have a high intermarriage rate—close to fifty per cent for the college educated—and twenty per cent of U.S.-born Latinos have a non-Hispanic white parent. Latinos are also increasingly likely to live in integrated neighborhoods. Reversalists dream of many Latino voters going Republican because they have become uncomfortable with the prevailing political stance (more liberal on social issues, less liberal on economic issues) among college-educated white Democratic voters. In the 2020 primary season, Bernie Sanders easily defeated Biden in California and Nevada because he did far better among Latino voters, who presumably preferred his farther-left economic program, elements of which the Reversalists would like to appropriate for themselves, without using the term socialism.

Black voters are far more loyal to the Democratic Party, and more likely to emphasize racism as a significant problem in their lives, but Trump has made some inroads, especially with younger Black men. Terrance Woodbury, a leading pollster, said, “This has been pretty concerning to me. Trump is picking up among young voters of color. He has a thirty-three-per-cent approval rating among Black men under fifty. Since Obama left, Black men have dropped in their Democratic support. Why? What is it?” He mentioned the Trump campaign’s Super Bowl ad featuring a Black woman whose prison sentence had been commuted by Trump, and a Trump advertising campaign on Facebook, which aired last December and went unanswered by Biden until August, touting the First Step Act, a criminal-justice measure that he signed in 2018. Woodbury went on, “I asked a focus group, ‘How could you consider supporting Donald Trump, who’s blatantly racist?’ One young man said, ‘I don’t care. They’re all racist. At least he tells me what he is.’ Something about the transparency of the vitriol is trust-inducing to them.”

The Reversalists believe that the Democrats’ embrace of market economics, and their establishment of a powerful business wing of the Democratic Party, especially in Silicon Valley and on Wall Street, during the Clinton and Obama Administrations, has left them vulnerable to an attack from a new, socially conservative and economically liberal strain of Republicanism. Reversalists oppose the Republican donor class. Several have abandoned donor-funded libertarian and neoconservative think tanks like Cato and the American Enterprise Institute, disillusioned with the Party’s indifference to the concerns of middle-class and working-class voters. Oren Cass, one of the leading Reversalists, has founded an organization called American Compass, which is trying to formulate policies that would appeal to members of the base of both parties. “What we’re talking about is actual conservatism,” he told me. “What we have called ‘conservatism’ just outsourced economic policy thinking away from conservatives to a small niche group of libertarians.” Culturally, Reversalists present themselves as champions of provincialism, faith, and work, but they aim to promote these things through unusually interventionist (at least for Republicans, and for centrist Democrats since the nineties) economic policies. Steven Hayward, who calls himself a reluctant Trump supporter, said, “It’s amazing to me the number of conservatives who are talking about, essentially, Walter Mondale’s industrial policy from 1984. The right and the left suddenly agree. Reagan was very popular with younger voters. Younger people then had come of age seeing government failure. Now young people have come of age seeing market failure.”

It can be a little surreal talking to Reversalists—are you at a seminar at the high-theory, market-skeptical Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen, in Vienna, or with a group of Republican Party strategists? People in this camp talk about the failures of “neoliberalism,” “financialization,” and “market fundamentalism,” and condemn “zombie Reaganism.” A manifesto of the Reversalists, and of young conservatives generally, is the 2018 book “Why Liberalism Failed,” by Patrick Deneen, a political-science professor at Notre Dame, which carries a back-cover endorsement from Barack Obama and extolls such writers as Robert B. Reich, Wendell Berry, Christopher Lasch, and Robert Putnam, none of whom is considered conservative.

The favored Presidential candidate for 2024 among the Reversalists is Senator Marco Rubio, of Florida, one of the promising Republicans whom Trump vanquished in 2016. In 2018, Rubio hired Mike Needham, a former employee of an organization affiliated with the Heritage Foundation who had converted to Reversalism, as his chief of staff. Needham is on the board of American Compass. Rubio has recently been making speeches that call for “common-good capitalism,” which would entail a strong government role in managing the economy and would attempt to attract religious and minority voters. Rubio has also been strongly critical of China, so much so that he has been banned from traveling there. This has the potential of alienating the business wing of the Party, which regards China as an important trading partner. Rubio gave a speech last year accusing “policy élites across the political spectrum” of ignoring the “growing threat” that China represents. Nikki Haley recently gave a speech that didn’t name Rubio but clearly had him in mind as one of a new species of Republican critics of capitalism, who “differ from the socialists only in degree.”

When I spoke with Rubio a few weeks ago, I asked him to explain what he meant by common-good capitalism. “It begins with the understanding that the market is a means to an end, not the end itself,” he said. “The purpose of the economy is to serve people. It’s possible to have an economy that’s performing well in the macro sense, but its benefits are distributed in a way that do not benefit the common good.” Rubio told me that this position came together when he was running for President, as he visited communities outside Florida which were less vibrant than they had been a generation ago, and were now hollowed out. “We thought people would be out of work when the factory leaves, but a new job would replace the old one,” he said. But, he went on, “it doesn’t work that way in real life. What ends up happening is that additional job isn’t created. And the people who are left without a job aren’t going to be able to make that transition. Interacting with that, hearing those stories—it’s something you have to grapple with.”

I asked him what could be done. “It’s tough,” he said. “We have a twenty-five-year orthodoxy in the Republican Party centered around market fundamentalism. Sometimes the most efficient outcome isn’t the best one for the country. Right now, we live in a very binary age, where you’re either one thing or you’re the other. Some people want to call it socialism—which I abhor. Or, if it isn’t socialism, the other side wants to call it market fundamentalism. America needs to take a hard look at its future.” Trump, he said, “has certainly revealed these fracture points. His election caused everybody to go back and ask, ‘Why? Why did people who were not part of the Republican Party decide to vote for him?’ ” He said that the next step was to build the intellectual base for this kind of work: “This is not a four-year project. This is a generational goal. And it could lead to a new political coalition.”

What would the new coalition be? For the past twenty years, Rubio said, the left has argued that coalitions tend to form around race, gender, and ethnicity: “I lived in a minority community. I don’t think we’d wake up in the morning and the first thing we’d realize is ‘I’m a Hispanic.’ The first thing that comes to mind for people every single day is not your ethnicity, it’s the fact that you’re a husband or a wife, a father or a mother, an employee, a volunteer or a coach—somebody who has a role to play.” He continued, “They want to have a job that allows them to have children, to raise that family in a safe neighborhood, with a house that’s safe, that the kids get to go to school, and that, when the time comes, lets them retire. You can find that identity in every community in America.”

He said he recoiled a bit at the tendency to “judge the well-being of the economy by how the stock market is performing. For the past six months, the stock market has had some really good days—and that in no way aligns with what everybody else in the country is going through. It is possible to have a roaring stock market, and you have millions of people who aren’t just unemployed, they may be permanently unemployed.” He talked about the inevitable disruptions caused by technological change: “And then it takes policy a decade, two decades, to adjust. In the interim, there’s resentment, anger, displacement—all sorts of social consequences. We are now seeing another wave of technological advancement, combined with globalization,” accelerated by the pandemic. “It’s going to produce new coalitions that don’t look like the ones we’re used to.”

Many Democrats will surely see this vision of the future of the Republican Party as fanciful. Isn’t the Party controlled by ferociously right-wing billionaires? Aren’t Republican-base voters irredeemable white supremacists who have been bamboozled by Fox News and televangelists? But the Democrats’ coalition is no less unnatural than the Republicans’. A political system with only two parties produces parties with internal contradictions. The five most valuable corporations in America are all West Coast tech companies—enemy territory, in today’s Republican rhetoric. The head of the country’s biggest bank, Jamie Dimon, of JPMorgan Chase, is a Democrat and a Trump critic. There was a stir in Republican circles in 2018, when a conservative journalist eavesdropped, on an Amtrak train, on a long phone conversation that Representative Jerry Nadler, of the Upper West Side, was having. Nadler complained that Democrats were attracting voters who were like the old Rockefeller Republicans—liberal on social issues, conservative on economics. That’s who lives in a lot of the wealthy older suburbs—formerly Republican areas that are now Democratic. And the Democrats’ minority voters differ enough on measures such as income, education, ideology, and religion that some of them could potentially be tempted to join a Republican Party that wasn’t headed by Trump.

Trump has already changed the Republican Party. Its most hawkish element—hawkish in the Iraq War sense—has gone underground, if it still exists. The same goes for publicly stated Republican skepticism about Social Security and Medicare. One must be hostile to China, and skeptical, to some degree, of free trade. Especially since the arrival of the pandemic, it’s hard to find a true libertarian in the Party—at least among those who have to run for office. In the future, according to Donald Critchlow, a historian of conservatism who teaches at Arizona State University, “the advantage would go to a candidate who is Trump without the Trump caricature. An old-fashioned Chamber of Commerce candidate would not do well. We’re in a new situation, in both parties. Everything’s up for grabs.” A senior Republican staffer who has Reversalist sympathies says, “Trump isn’t good at a twenty-first-century policy agenda,” but that work can go on without him. “If he loses, we’ll have a massive argument in the Republican Party. Some will say, ‘He’s a black swan.’ To me, the lesson is: he correctly diagnosed what was going on. Let’s apply that to conservative economic policy. To me, what’s up for grabs is the working-class vote. Not just working-class white—working-class. Does what the President tapped into have to be racial? Can it be about what neoliberalism has done to the country?”

Trump’s genius is to command attention, including the attention of people who dislike him. That makes it tempting to think that, when he’s gone, everything he stands for will go with him. It probably won’t; elements of Trumpism will likely be with us for a long time. Which elements, taking what form, in the possession of which party? Such questions will be just as pressing after Trump as they are now. ♦

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Response to ancianita (Reply #15)

Wed Nov 11, 2020, 01:43 PM

17. Thanks

P.S. Mosquito Rubio is DUMB. Seriously. Most people, other than RepubliCONS, can see that.

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #17)

Wed Nov 11, 2020, 02:02 PM

18. Happy to

I hear you.

Mosquito Rubio has a nice ring.

He is. But we have to admit that "clever" dumb with big money goes far in a Republican politics that support kleptocracy.

No matter how Democratic Lite he goes -- and we'll have to call him out on that and early and often, invite him to join our party if he's serious -- even Republican voters likely know that they'll never, ever deliver tax money back to The People who pay those taxes. But as long as others suffer, they're happy to go along with trickle down 'til death do us part, and kleptocrats know it.

Thanks to Democrats' ease of thinking and working circles around Republicans, we've blown their klepto lingo and game.

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Response to ancianita (Reply #2)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:58 PM

7. It glosses over (ok I just skimmed so I might have missed it)

Mention of why they expect this to be Trumps last campaign. They say it, but don’t particularly support it (unless I missed that?)

They consider policy and appeals, but neglect the cult of personality that is the Trump brand. People aren’t waving “Republican!” flags on their boats and trucks. If a trump, Donnie, Don Jr., maybe even Ivanka, run in the primary, we don’t have to worry about any of those trends or candidates—because I don’t see how they make it through the primary.

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Response to AleksS (Reply #7)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 03:06 PM

10. Okay. I hear you.

So do you think that what the article neglects -- the Trump Jr features of cult -- will be more important in 2024? I think cult will revert to its old right wing media story machines, and keep feeding new "evidence" of Democratic evil to rebuild the party. What do you think?

Given what you've said, and since the article was written, Republican votes this time show that all the messaging, not just Jr's, has ego and power appeal for authoritarian followers. Repub voters like to be treated as favorites in getting Trump's promised goodies, which they think will continue.

But they haven't really looked at how austere Republican policies have immiserated them. They buy the lies that "we built the car plants" and "we helped small business" and "did more than anyone for Black people"and that guns and retribution are their shows of power. They don't really have the courts yet, or Roe struck down yet but they think they got what Trump told them they wanted. But we know they've been set up. We've saved them from having no panemic and disaster relief, Soc Sec and Medicare cut, govt services stripped down or eliminated, all health care privatized once again.

So, what Republican Party should we be looking at, going forward?

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Response to ancianita (Original post)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:49 PM

3. I think

that Tom Cotton is the most dangerous of the bunch. He's a white supremacist dictator-wannabe with an education. He can sound like he isn't, which is the scariest part. He frightens me. Nimrata Haley would be a fake gesture but she will end up as a VP candidate if anything. Her status as the daughter of Indian immigrants will NOT appeal to a wide swath of the party, nor will her coloration. (Try Kristi Noem as a substitute.) Hawley is Tom Cotton Lite, and I do mean Lite. Pompeo and Pence will both be tainted by a serious orange stain. And everyone pretty much knows that Rubio is a clown. My money is on Cotton, and look out for him.

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #3)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 12:52 PM

5. Keep this in mind as you read.

After I finished it, I learned that Nikki Haley (the women vote) and Marco Rubio (the Latino and blue collar vote) could emerge as the next ticket.

Just read it and let me know what you think.

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Response to ancianita (Reply #5)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:13 PM

12. Cannot read

Paywall.

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #12)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 06:07 PM

16. I copy/pasted the last half of the article above. Post #15

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Response to VA_Jill (Reply #3)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 05:42 PM

14. I am with you. I will be watching him closely from here on. My money is on Cotton.

Fascism is set to simmer ... for now.

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Response to ancianita (Original post)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 01:58 PM

8. If the Republicans become full-on reversalists, I will switch parties.

However, my knowledge of history tells me that for the past hundred years, everything that government has done to benefit the people has come from the Democratic Party, and all those measures have been bitterly opposed by the Republican Party. As Rubio suggested in the essay, if “reversal” is going to happen, it will be a generational change.

I will wait and see.

Excellent essay, btw. Thank you for posting it.

-Laelth

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Response to Laelth (Reply #8)

Tue Nov 10, 2020, 02:22 PM

9. WHAT? Oh, you're being sarcastic.

Yes. WE know their history, but the public, maybe too young to remember, will have to be reminded of what you say early and often.

In reality the Republican Party won't BECOME reversalists. BUT they will SELL that to gain votes.

That reversalist stance will be the most difficult for Democrats to message on, just because they've been in reactive mode for 40 years, fighting off Republican labels. Reversalists will try to peel off Democrats and "independents" (who've registered in big numbers, according to Pew) by selling some softer version of "socialism," called "social capitalism" (Rubio's working on speeches to explain that right now, I bet).

If Republicans actually remain true to their older goals (small govt, conservative spending, lol stuff) we'll have to slam that hard and call reversalist ideas 'fake news' and trumptrashtalk, just to cast doubt on both their real history and their credibility ever since Obama.

They've lost all their old Republican identity by tossing the 2020 party platform, and we must stay out ahead of any of their messaging attempts, call out what they actually DO. Overall, slam their platform building with "Why would Americans go for Democratic Lite when they already have the real thing!"

Taking control of defining our opponents is what we've not been as good at as they for over 40 years. So now's our chance. To stay in power now, we must DO more than talk. That's what the big turnouts have been wanting since Obama.

Thank you for checking these scenarios out, and thanks for your post.

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