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chose really gets that job accomplished, doesn't it? How "beating their swords into plowshares" they became in undertaking helping El Salvadoran vets look after their livestock. My, my. One almost forgets all about the U.S. trained SOA DEATH SQUADS which slaughtered entire villages in El Salvador in El Salvador's recent past. Take a good look at this list of S.O.A. graduates who took their U.S. taxpayers-funded education back home to share with their countrymen/women: http://www.derechos.org/soa/elsal-not.htmlSchool of the Americas: School of Assassins, USACountries / Graduates (since 1946) Argentina / 931 Bolivia / 4,049 Brazil / 355 Chile / 2,405 Colombia / 8,679 Costa Rica / 2,376 Dominican Republic / 2,330 Ecuador / 2,356 El Salvador / 6,776 Guatemala / 1,676 Honduras / 3,691 Nicaragua / 4,693 Panama / 4,235 Paraguay / 1,084 Peru / 3,997 Uruguay / 931 Venezuela / 3,250
When they return to their home countries, graduates of the SOA hold a rather unique and peculiar view of their countrymen. They look upon priests, social workers, journalists, and liberal intellectuals, not as assets to their societies, but as dangerous subversives, working to undermine the system that keeps these soldiers, army officers, and their sponsors in power.
Graduates of the SOA have been among the most repressive tyrants in Latin America, and their actions have been some of the most cruel and violent. In El Salvador, in 1989, a Salvadoran army patrol executed six Jesuit priests as they lay face-down on the ground at Central America University. According to the United Nation's Truth Commission Report on El Salvador in 1993, 19 of the 27 officers who took part in the executions were trained at the SOA.
In 1990, in El Salvador, populist Archbishop Oscar Romero was assassinated. Three-quarters of the Salvadoran officers implicated in the killing were trained at the SOA. Roberto D'Aubuison, the late leader of El Salvador's Death Squad, was implicated in the plot to assassinate Archbishop Romero. He also participated in numerous murders, including a massacre in the village of El Mazote, where more than 900 men, women, and children were killed. He graduated from SOA as well. The U.N. Truth Commission's statistics reveal the extent of the School's murderous role in El Salvador .
Romero assassination 3 officers cited --- 2 were SOA graduates Murder of US nuns 5 officers cited --- 3 were SOA graduates Union leader murders 3 officers cited --- 3 were SOA graduates El Junquillo massacre 3 officers cited --- 2 were SOA graduates El Mazote massacre 12 officers cited --- 10 were SOA graduates Dutch journalist murders 1 officer cited --- he was an SOA graduate Las Hojas massacre 6 officers cited --- 3 were SOA graduates San Sebastian massacre 7 officers cited --- 6 were SOA graduates Jesuit massacre 26 officers cited --- 19 were SOA graduates http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Terrorism/SOA.html~~~~~~~~~~Another SOA? Police Academy in El Salvador Worries Critics Written by Wes Enzinna Wednesday, 19 March 2008 Source: NACLA Report on the Americas http://upsidedownworld.org.nyud.net:8090/main/images/stories/March08/sansalvador1_main250big.jpgemi-secretly established in 2005, a Salvadoran branch of the International Law Enforcement Academy, a U.S.-sponsored global network of police schools, has angered critics and human rights activists, who wonder if it will perpetuate long-standing patterns of police and military abuse in the country. A NACLA investigation sponsored by the Samuel Chavkin Investigative Fund finds that establishing transparency in the academy’s operations—including making public its course materials and the names of its graduates—is the first critical step in ensuring it does not become, or has not already become, a new School of the Americas.“The legacy of U.S. training of security forces at the School of the Americas and throughout Latin America is one of bloodshed, of torture, of the targeting of civilian populations, of desaparecidos,” wrote SOA Watch founder Roy Bourgeois after Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice announced plans for the ILEA San Salvador at a June 2005 Organization of American States meeting in Miami. “Rice’s recent announcement about plans for the creation of an international law enforcement academy in El Salvador should raise serious concerns for anyone who cares about human rights,” he said. And as recently as June, a member of the Committee in Solidarity With the People of El Salvador (CISPES) wrote, “The ILEA in El Salvador is functioning like another SOA, under a new name and in a new location.” Unlike the SOA, the ILEA is run jointly by the Salvadoran Ministry of Government and the U.S. State Department—though virtually all its instructors come from the United States, and most of the school’s expenses are covered by U.S. tax dollars. By the end of 2007, the United States had spent at least $3.6 million on the academy, according to an estimate by ILEA director Hobart Henson. While the school is temporarily housed at the National Academy for Public Security in San Salvador, a permanent $4 million headquarters is under construction. The school joins a slew of other police- and military-training facilities throughout Latin America run by U.S. agencies, among them the FBI, Customs Agency, and DEA, as well as training programs run by private U.S. security companies like DynCorp International. In 1999, the last year for which figures are available, Washington trained between 13,000 and 15,000 Latin American military and police personnel, according to the Center for International Policy. U.S. and Salvadoran officials should not have been surprised with the opposition to the ILEA and the comparisons to the SOA. Before settling on El Salvador, the United States had hoped to establish an ILEA South in Costa Rica, but failed. “The story of what happened in Costa Rica,” says Guadalupe Erazo of the Popular Social Bloc, a coalition of Salvadoran activists, “is instructive because it shows the undemocratic nature of the ILEA, and the accountability to the public.”
After a brief, aborted attempt to establish the school in Panama , U.S. officials chose Costa Rica to host the academy in 2002. An agreement with the Costa Rican government was signed, making the deal official, and the plan made headlines across the country. The agreement allowed for military topics to be taught and military personnel to participate in the school, and also gave immunity to U.S. officials. When this became public, a broad coalition of Costa Rican citizen, labor, and human rights groups demanded these clauses be removed from the agreement. The Costa Rican government ultimately adopted the public’s demands in its negotiations.
The United States, however, refused to meet these conditions, and as Kathryn Tarker of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs put it, “Washington decided to ‘pick up the marbles and go home’ rather than offer concessions to transparency and anti- military safeguards.”
Hoping to avoid the problems encountered in Costa Rica, the U.S. and Salvadoran governments worked quietly to establish the ILEA in San Salvador. In fact, at the time of Rice’s June 2005 announcement at the OAS—the first time the school had been mentioned publicly—U.S. officials were already planning for classes to begin. Little more than a month after Rice’s announcement, 36 students from Colombia, the Dominican Republic, and El Salvador began a course titled “Organized Crime and Human Rights” at the Comalapa air force base on the outskirts of San Salvador. Yet it wasn’t until almost two months later, on September 20, that then U.S. ambassador H. Douglas Barclay and Salvadoran minister of governance Rene Figueroa signed an agreement officially establishing the school.
In the months prior to September, public debate about the ILEA was scant. Members of the U.S. Congress were not briefed about the academy, nor was the main opposition party in El Salvador, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). But once the news media reported that the two countries had signed an official agreement in September, activists in El Salvador demanded to see the text of the document. Protesting their exclusion, a coalition of Salvadoran activists, including the Sinti Techan Citizens Network, demanded that President Antonio Saca make the agreement public and develop an open debate, consulting “all social sectors of the country before submitting it to the Legislative Assembly.”
This never happened. While FMLN senators denounced the school in the assembly and made a last-ditch effort to prevent the agreement from being ratified, their bile-filled rants, rather than critical arguments, did little to convince anyone. “We cannot support them coming in to deform the minds of our police, prosecutors and judges,” FMLN deputy Salvador Arias later said. Ultimately, the FMLN failed to mobilize the country’s social movements, and much of the public remained in the dark on the details of what was at stake. On November 30, 2005, the National Assembly ratified the ILEA agreement, with 48 out of 88 members voting in favor.
In the end, the United States achieved what it couldn’t in Panama or Costa Rica: The ILEA was official, and the ratified agreement making it so allowed for no mechanism of transparency or civilian oversight, included no agreement excluding military personnel or topics, and left the door open for a later clause that would give U.S. personnel immunity from prosecution.More: http://upsidedownworld.org/main/content/view/1182/74/
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~RIGHTS-EL SALVADOR: Death Squads Still Operating By Raúl Gutiérrez
SAN SALVADOR, Sep 4 (IPS) - Recent arrests of police officers in El Salvador accused of committing extrajudicial executions have encouraged human rights activists and experts who have long reported the continued existence of death squads in this Central American country.
For years, human rights organisations and experts have said the death squads that operated during the counterinsurgency war in the 1980s never disappeared, but merely became groups of paid killers that still operate with impunity, and are hired to "settle scores, carry out vengeance killings, eliminate a businessman’s competitor, carry out ‘social cleansing’ or work for organised crime."
Lawyer Jaime Martínez, with the Institute of Comparative Studies in Criminal and Social Science (INECIP), told IPS that the groups "are the visible face of organised crime, and do their dirty work."
There are strong indications that "criminal groups are embedded" in the National Civilian Police (PNC), said Martínez.
He lamented that the authorities have not made this a key concern, and instead dismiss such reports by arguing that the problem is just a few bad officers who must be weeded out.
"We cannot continue to believe in the ‘few bad apples’ theory," said the expert, who conducted research on citizen security and death squads when he headed the Foundation for Studies on the Application of Rights (FESPAD) Criminal Studies Centre for 13 years.
Police Sergeant Nelson Arriaza and officer Roberto Carlos Chévez were arrested Jul. 28, along with the now fugitive Rember Martínez, and accused of murdering campesino (small farmer) Amado García in the town of Nueva Esparta in the northeastern department (province) of Morazán.
Four other police officers were arrested Aug. 27 in the eastern department of San Miguel in connection with the group headed by Arriaza, and were charged with belonging to a death squad.
Another police officer and a civilian are also facing arrest for alleged ties to the same group.
PNC chiefs have acknowledged the problem, which they downplay, however, as "isolated incidents."
But the prosecutor’s office has not ruled out an investigation into possible connections between Arriaza and other members of the PNC, as well as other killings in San Miguel, where the police sergeant was posted.
Another indication of the existence of death squads was the distribution of flyers over the past two weeks in the town of Chalchuapa, 80 km from San Salvador, signed simply with the initials "E.L." The leaflets declare a "curfew" and urge local residents and the members of the PNC themselves to stay inside at night.
"For your own good, we advise you not to be on the streets after 10:00 PM, because we are carrying out a cleansing campaign," says the flyer. More: http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=39143
~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The Ethical Spectacle, May 1995, http://www.spectacle.org
Senator Helms and Murder In the U.S. Senate today is a man, Senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina, who should be called upon to answer the following question: "Senator, is murder an acceptable tactic in foreign policy?"
In a December 7, 1994 article profiling the Senator, the New York Times said: For Mr. Helms, the devil lived down in Latin America during the 1980's. The Senator and his staff aimed to fight him. They became a crucible of American support for the far right wing: politicians linked to death squads in El Salvador; the Guatemalan military, which killed thousands of people suspected of ties to the left; Honduran military intelligence; the Argentine junta; and other violently authoritarian governments of the era. According to the article, Senator Helms aided Roberto D'Aubuisson and his ARENA party, a Salvadorean politician in command of the death squads, by disclosing a secret CIA plan to support Jose Napoleon Duarte, D'Aubuisson's centrist opposition in an election. As a result, enraged D'Aubuisson supporters plotted to kill U.S. Ambassador Thomas Pickering. Mr. Helms sent a letter to these partisans that said: Ambassador Pickering has been the leader of the death squads against democracy. Mr. Pickering has used his diplomatic capacity to strangle liberty during the night. Senator Helms was censured by the Senate for conducting his own foreign policy. Luckily, Ambassador Pickering escaped murder.
If you don't remember, El Salvador is the country where death squads gunned down the Archbishop, raped and murdered three American nuns and a lay worker, and shot two visiting U.S. labor officials during the '80's; more recently, several priests, their housekeeper and her daughter were gunned down in their home. These are only the crimes that garnered international attention; they took place against a background of the constant torture and murder of anyone seen opposing the regime, including Catholic priests and human rights advocates. My source for the following is Phillip Berryman, Stubborn Hope: Religion, Politics and Revolution in Central America(New Press, 1994): One priest reported seeing D'Aubuisson tell a rally that after winning they would have to "take care of this archbishop, these Jesuits, these other priests and especially these foreigners who are ruining the minds of our children. And if the gringos want to help the communists and cut military aid, we didn't need military aid in 1932. If we had to kill 30,000.....in 1932, we'll kill 250,000 today." More: http://www.spectacle.org/595/helms.html
~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The story must be remembered forever, that after an S.O.A. sharpshooter assassinated Archbishop Romero as he conducted mass, assassins positioned themselves around the cathedral, and opened fire on the mourners, killing 40 of them and injuring 450. Here's a photo of the scene:
http://www.jamd.com/image/g/2665377
Not only did the right-wing government not want the Archbishop to continue speaking and working on behalf of the poor, they didn't want the people of El Salvador to attend his funeral and leave peacefully without taking a deadly message home with them, to intimidate them to deeper levels of complete submission.
Damed sad.
http://followingjesus.org.nyud.net:8090/images/section_graphics/romero.jpgClosing remarks of his last sermon to the people of El Salvador:~snip~ I would like to make a special appeal to the men of the army, and specifically to the ranks of the National Guard, the police and the military. Brothers, you come from our own people. You are killing your own brother peasants when any human order to kill must be subordinate to the law of God which says, "Thou shalt not kill." No soldier is obliged to obey an order contrary to the law of God. No one has to obey an immoral law. It is high time you recovered your consciences and obeyed your consciences rather than a sinful order. The church, the defender of the rights of God, of the law of God, of human dignity, of the person, cannot remain silent before such an abomination. We want the government to face the fact that reforms are valueless if they are to be carried out at the cost of so much blood. In the name of God, in the name of this suffering people whose cries rise to heaven more loudly each day, I implore you, I beg you, I order you in the name of God: stop the repression.
The church preaches your liberation just as we have studied it in just as we have studied it in the holy Bible today. It is a liberation that has, above all else, respect for the dignity of the person, hope for humanity's common good, and the transcendence that looks before all to God and only from God derives its hope and its strength. http://www.haverford.edu/relg/faculty/amcguire/romero.html
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