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as well as Cheney's aide. And it's become clearer, in this trial, that Bush was likely okaying orders to Libby through Cheney.
I don't know that a pardon is all that inevitable--or even that relevant. Bush (who lawyered up early, even as his spokesmen were stating in public that he would fire anyone involved in the Plame leak), and Cheney (clearly in Fitzgerald's sites--he pointed to him quite strongly in the layout of this case, and in his closing remarks), are both in jeopardy, at this point. My guess (having followed Traitorgate closely) is that Fitzgerald is preparing a GJ report that will name at least Cheney as an "unindicted co-conspirator" (and will leave it to Congress, as the appropriate power to deal with it). Fitzgerald has very great powers, and no time limit. He has access to DC GJ's at any time. He has laid out Libby's motives for lying very clearly, as, 1) his own legal jeopardy (prior to speaking to the FBI, he'd just learned that outing Plame/Brewster-Jennings could have caused deaths in that network of deep cover WMD counter-proliferation agents and contacts); and 2) covering up for Cheney, by inventing a story that he learned of Plame's identity from newsman Tim Russert, when the evidence at trial shows plainly that it was Cheney who told him who she was and what she did.
Fitzgerald is a bulldog of a prosecutor. I don't think he can, in conscience, leave this alone. And bear this in mind. A prosecutor's responsibility, in a court trial, is to prove his case against the accused "beyond a reasonable doubt"--because the consequence to the accused is loss of liberty. But that is NOT the burden of proof in an impeachment proceeding. Gross malfeasance has a lesser burden of proof. The proof is entirely at Congress' discretion. And the consequence is removal from office--not loss of liberty. Fitzgerald has laid out a very strong evidentiary case against Libby on lying and obstruction, and if the jury considers the evidence, they will convict him. (Indications so far are that the jury is taking it seriously and looking closely at the evidence.) But the case against Cheney has been OBSTRUCTED by Libby. So there are a few dots yet to be connected (--at least in the evidence at trial; Fitzgerald may have more, that he didn't need to use). The gross malfeasance (of Cheney) is there, for sure. And to some extent for Bush. (For instance, a Republican lobbyist faxed a copy of Novak's article to Karl Rove before it was published. Rove and Bush had an obligation, at that point, to act to protect Plame's identity--and they did nothing--a huge crime of omission.) But to prove conspiracy and commission of a felony would probably need more direct evidence that the order was given by Bush/Cheney to out her and her network. That's what Libby is no doubt covering up for. That is probably why Fitzgerald has not indicted them. But that is no bar to impeachment.
Many have wondered why Fitzgerald hasn't indicted Rove, and gave Ari Fleischer immunity--and has not indicted anyone on the actual crime. The Libby trial revealed much more that points to why. All of these people were taking orders from the effective "commander in chief" (Cheney) or from the "commander in chief" (Bush). It doesn't excuse their actions, but it does help explain how Fitzgerald has proceeded. He is after the order-givers, and he has been obstructed from obtaining "the smoking gun" for that reason--for the reason of Bush and Cheney's power over all of these others. Congress, on the other hand, does not need a "smoking gun." (The rightwing noise machine will of course say that they do--but they don't). That Cheney divulged Plame's identity to Libby, and sent him on a mission to discredit her husband, armed with this information, and then sat back as Libby spread knowledge of Plame's identity all over Washington DC, and that neither he nor Bush took any action to protect her and her network, is a slamdunk impeachment. It doesn't matter if it's a felony. It doesn't matter if it was conspiracy. The order is clearly and plainly implied in their crime of omission. They knew what was going on. They failed to stop it. You don't even have to get to the truth that they STARTED it (although there is plenty of evidence of that).
So, given these facts--which are already on record--if they pardon Libby, they are admitting their own guilt--and giving Congress the "smoking gun," whether Libby admits to his obstruction or not. I think Libby may be irrelevant, at this point--another soldier down (--except perhaps on OTHER crimes, or the deeper crimes that lay behind Traitorgate). Libby's testimony would make it EASIER to impeach Cheney and Bush (and counter rightwing noise), but it is not crucial. Also, if Libby is pardoned, Fitzgerald can then haul him back before a GJ, and compel testimony under threat of additional perjury charges (Libby could then tell the truth, and be protected--but if he lies again, no pardon can help him. Bush cannot pardon him for FUTURE lying on the Bush Junta's behalf).
I think that Cheney's strategy of having Libby as his firewall, in furtherance of the PNAC plan to invade Iran (I think that is what Libby's believes he is protecting), is falling apart. Fitzgerald has been so brilliant, he has maneuvered these numerous perps and witnesses to give him nearly everything he needs to SEE the conspiracy, and lay it out, even if he can't definitively prove it, to the "beyond a reasonable doubt" standard of court convictions. But we are not talking about crime bosses here (--except figuratively). We are talking about the PRESIDENT and VICE PRESIDENT of the United States. They are supposed to be a cut above crime bosses. They are sworn to uphold the law. It is at their word that people die. They hold the fate of the world in their hands, with nukes. They are the highest officers in our land! They have betrayed that trust, as we know, in a hundred different serious ways, but none of them with a prosecutor like Fitzgerald on the case. And I think he intends to hammer it home, Libby conviction or no Libby conviction, pardon or no pardon.
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