Walter Lippman’s “Liberty and the News,”---By Sidney Blumenthal

[rodeodance]

I think I will get this book.


Journalism and its discontents
By Salon.

Editor’s note: The following is the author’s afterword for a reissue of Walter Lippman’s “Liberty and the News,” to be published this month by Princeton University Press.

By Sidney Blumenthal

Oct. 25, 2007 | Walter Lippmann (1889-1974) was the most influential American journalist of the 20th century. Born into one of the German-Jewish “Our Crowd” families of New York City, he began his career as a cub reporter for Lincoln Steffens, the crusading investigative journalist, then became one of the original editors of the New Republic, and was recruited to write speeches for President Woodrow Wilson and help formulate his plan to make the world “safe for democracy,” the Fourteen Points. In the 1920s, Lippmann became editorial director of the New York World, then a major daily newspaper with a Democratic orientation. When it folded, the New York Herald Tribune offered him a column, which, with the Washington Post, served as his journalistic base for almost 50 years.

Lippmann wrote books on philosophy, politics, foreign policy and economics. In one of them, “The Cold War,” he early defined the struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union while offering penetrating criticism of U.S. policy as a “strategic monstrosity” that would lead to “recruiting, subsidizing and supporting a heterogeneous array of satellites, clients, dependents and puppets,” inevitably forcing poor choices of having to either “disown our puppets, which would be tantamount to appeasement and defeat and the loss of face,” or else back them “at an incalculable cost on an unintended, unforeseen and perhaps undesirable issue.” Lippmann’s prophetic warning was realized in the Vietnam War, which he opposed at considerable cost to his personal and political relationships. (Anyone interested in Lippmann, or American politics, should read Ronald Steel’s magisterial biography, “Walter Lippmann and the American Century.”)

Among his varied roles, Lippmann was the original and most prescient analyst of the modern media. His disillusioning experience in World War I prompted the first of three books on the subject, “Liberty and the News,” followed in rapid succession by “Public Opinion” and “The Phantom Public.” In them Lippmann deconstructed the distortions and lies of government propaganda eagerly transmitted by a jingoist press corps, the “manufacture of consent” and the creation of “stereotypes” projected as false reality.

“Liberty and the News,” first published in 1920, is being reissued by Princeton University Press, and its insights into the “error, illusion, and misinterpretation” in wartime of the “news-structure” remain as fresh as ever. For this volume, I have written an afterword, using Lippmann’s ideas as a prism to illuminate the current crisis of the press and its professional collapse. ........

[rodeodance]

1. 'Lippmann had witnessed firsthand how the “manufacture of consent” had deranged democracy.'

“For in an exact sense the present crisis of western democracy is a crisis of journalism,” Lippmann wrote. That sentence was distilled from years of hope turned to despair. Lippmann had ferried from the offices of The New Republic, located in New York, to the White House, where he helped work on speeches for Woodrow Wilson. After the entry of the United States in the world war in 1917, Lippmann enthusiastically accepted an appointment as the U.S. representative on the Inter-Allied Propaganda Board, with the rank of captain. But Captain Lippmann soon crossed swords with George Creel, chief of the Committee on Public Information, an official federal government agency that whipped up war support through jingoism. When Lippmann submitted a blistering report in 1918 on how the committee manipulated news to foster national hysteria, Creel sought his dismissal — and Lippmann quit his post to assist the U.S. delegation at the Versailles peace conference. The year following the war, 1919, began with Wilson greeted as a messiah and ended with him politically broken and physically paralyzed. His collapse personified the wreckage of Progressive idealism. Lippmann focused his attention on the part played by the press.

“Everywhere today,” Lippmann wrote in Liberty and the News, “men are conscious that somehow they must deal with questions more intricate than any that church or school had prepared them to understand. Increasingly they know that they cannot understand them if the facts are not quickly and steadily available. Increasingly they are baffled because the facts are not available; and they are wondering whether government by consent can survive in a time when the manufacture of consent is an unregulated private enterprise.”

Lippmann had witnessed firsthand how the “manufacture of consent” had deranged democracy. But he did not hold those in government solely responsible. He also described how the press corps was carried away on the wave of patriotism and became self-censors, enforcers, and sheer propagandists. Their careerism, cynicism, and error made them destroyers of “liberty of opinion” and agents of intolerance, who subverted the American constitutional system of self-government. Even the great newspaper owners, he wrote, “believe that edification is more important than veracity. They believe it profoundly, violently, relentlessly. They preen themselves upon it. To patriotism, as they define it from day to day, all other considerations must yield. That is their pride. And yet what is this but one more among myriad examples of the doctrine that the end justifies the means? A more insidiously misleading rule of conduct was, I believe, never devised among men.”

[tom_paine]

2. Plus a change, plus a la meme chose

The more things change, the more they stay the same.

[yurbud]

3. knowing the history and how PR works makes the so-called "conspiracy theories'' seem credible

You manufacture consent by manufacturing reality, and making people think that the action you want them to take is a logical response, not to a speech or commercial, but to what is actually occurring in the world.

I went back and read Reagan's Grenada speech and was struck at how much more moving and persuasive it was than any words writers have put in Bush's mouth. What made Bush more successful initially was the manipulation of the context the message was delivered in.