Obama vs. the Democrats
by John Avlon
Fighting with the GOP is nothing compared to battles that await the president in his own party—over Iraq, health care, and entitlement reform. John Avlon on the coming Democratic wars.
Southern Democrat Lyndon Johnson passed civil-rights legislation. Nixon went to China. Bill Clinton enacted welfare reform. Often it’s a president’s struggle with his own party that results in real progress. And now it’s President Obama’s relationship with liberal special interests and the House Democrats like Nancy Pelosi that will shape the narrative of his administration, for better and for worse.
Obama has a unique problem: He campaigned against the play-to-the-base politics of the Bush era. But Washington runs according to strict rules that reward hyper-partisanship. Bridging that difference with a Democratic majority in Congress is tricky business, but it is essential to prevent an electoral backlash in 2010.
The Obama administration hit its first serious stumbling block with House Democrats when it became apparent they had larded up the stimulus bill with billions of dollars of wish-list pork unrelated to job creation. Independent voters in particular swung against the bill—their cynicism primed by TARP’s unaccountable black box and lack of evident impact—creating political cover for Republican opposition. The 9,000 earmarks included in the subsequent $410 billion spending bill muddied the waters of his reform talk, while the combined Keynesian splurge compromised Obama’s call for fiscal responsibility.
It's not a coincidence that some of Obama’s greatest successes to date have come in the face of opposition from the far left. His centrist Cabinet picks—Robert Gates, Jim Jones, Hillary Clinton—drew confused reactions from committed partisans while reassuring the moderate majority.
Obama’s responsible third-way approach to ending the combat phase of the Iraq War managed to depolarize one of the most divisive political issues of this decade. The plan drew reflexive criticisms from Pelosi, Reid & Co., but with 35,000 to 50,000 residual troops remaining in country, even the architects of the surge believed the levels could stabilize the gains made.
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