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You might be overlooking the extent to which our sensibilities are actively constructed, and reflective of our views on issues. Consider a broad concern like constitutionally guaranteed rights and liberties, which is relevant insofar as the president appoints judges.
No single issue can tell you which candidate has the most respect for civil rights. Kucinich points to the PATRIOT act. But Kerry has a more liberal position on the first amendment, as evidenced by his stand on proposed amendments banning the desecration of the flag, and his steadfast position on seperation of church and state. Kerry also has a more liberal position on the right to privacy, which is backed by a long voting record. Even if you accept that Kucinich's conversion is genuine, and beleive that he would use support for Roe v. Wade as a litmus test for appointing judges, Kerry has more credibility on the issue.
So it comes down to how heavily to weigh PATRIOT vs. support for the right to free expression, the establishment clause, and the right to privacy inherent in the 14th amendment. And then if you start unpacking PATRIOT, you see that the Senate and House votes are not equivalent, that the modified version that made it out of the Senate contained provisions that were worth negotiating for, that Kerry agrees with some of Kucinich's criticisms of the law, and that John Ashcroft is indeed a problem. So in the final analysis, I think you'd be hard pressed to say that Kucinich is more liberal than Kerry on the issue of civil rights.
Then again, Kucinich's opposition to the death penalty is firmer than Kerry's, and that is a vital civil rights issue. So I think it is complicated, and I respect those who support Kucinich because of his support for civil rights.
The others? Dean, I don't believe comes close to Kerry and Kucinich, but again it depends on how you weigh various issues, and how much credence you give to one set of arguments vs. another set of arguments. Dean's support of a woman's right to choose whether or not to terminate a pregnancy is unquestionable. On other matters, I don't believe he is as clear of a supporter of civil rights as Kerry or Kucinich. He has forcefully criticized the PATRIOT act, but he has also made statements and decisions as Governor that show a lack of concern for due process. So it really comes down to how you weigh the positions, and how you assess credibility.
Sharpton? He has devoted a lifetime to fighting for civil rights, but his views remain untested in one important respect: He has never held elected office. I won't say that he's unqualified, but in a field where there are so many candidates with great qualifications, he is easily overlooked.
Ranking the candidates on civil liberties, just going with my gut here, I'd say, from left to right:
Braun Sharpton Kerry Kucinich Clark Dean Lieberman Edwards Gephardt Graham
Huge Chasm
Bush
But there's wiggle room. I certainly don't claim to know the truth, and I respect others who see things differently or have different priorities.
Now, when you take that one nexus of issues around civil rights and liberties, and set it within the matrix of other concerns, the complexities and ambiguities grow exponentially. The end result may appear as if there's a disconnect between a candidate's image as accepted by his or her supporters, and the candidate's issue positions. But that appearance may also be an artifact of perspective, that is, that sensibility is being defined through or from a perspective, or that the process of political identification engenders a honing-in which, like perspective, pertains to the construction of multidimensional spaces and operates under similar constraints. The underlying reality of the process of identification, however, may in actuality involve a systatic integrity which remains invisible when looking at final results from any single perspective, but can be ascertained from a studied comparison of various viewpoints, while bracketing out the "noise" that attends the taking of a viewpoint.
On the other hand, there is little question that the political field does not exist in an abstract form, and that psychological and cultural modalities of identification intersect with the formation of political identities, and indeed, may be more determinative or constiutitive than we would like to pretend, even among highly educated and active communities like DU. Point taken.
Disclaimer: I'm reading your fourth edit.
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