New Democrat Movement
The right wing current of the Democratic party, characterized by its neoliberal economic policies, support of Israel, desire to increase defense spending, and links to heavy donors and fundraisers.
Believes that "left-wing" positions are not politically viable. Describes itself as "moderate and pro-growth". Probably responsible for erosion of the Democratic Party's historical labor and minority base due to support of treaties like NAFTA, lack of support for affirmative action and poverty programs, and their siphoning away of campaign funds from minority groups.
At the national level, the movement was founded by the Democratic Leadership Council (501c4 educational non-profit, founded 1984) and includes the House New Democrat Coalition (founded 1997), the Senate New Democrat Coalition (founded 2000), the New Democrat Network PAC (founded 1996), the misnamed Progressive Policy Institute (501c4 think tank, "Bill Clinton's idea mill", founded 1989), and the umbrella funding group The Third Way Foundation (501c3 non-profit, founded 1996).
Since coming to power within the Democratic Party with Bill Clinton's presidency, the New Democrats/DLC have worked towards "essentially the same purpose as the Christian Coalition... to pull a broad political party dramatically to the right" according to John Nichols of The Progressive.
DLC operatives actively worked to sabotage Howard Dean's candidacy for the US Presidency in 2004, claiming that the "far-left" Democrat was wrong to attack George W. Bush's tax cuts and national security policies.
Corporate contributors to the DLC and New Democratic Network include Bank One, Citigroup, Dow Chemical, DuPont, General Electric, Health Insurance Corporation of America, Merrill Lynch, Microsoft, Philip Morris, RJR Nabisco, Chevron, Prudential Foundation, Amoco Foundation, AT&T, Morgan Stanley, Occidental Petroleum, Raytheon, and many other Fortune 500 companies.
The New Democrat Movement is sometimes referred to as the Dixiecrat movement due to the DLC's origination in the southern states, their desire to get rid of affirmative action, and their membership's overwhelming whiteness.
"Democrats should shift the primary focus from racism, the traditional enemy without, to self-defeating patterns of behavior among blacks" --Chuck Robb, 2nd DLC Chairman, Governor & Senator of the Great State of Virginia, White Man, 1986."I'm from the democratic wing of the Democrat Party" --Paul Wellstone, progressive Democrat, criticizing the New Democrat Movement.
"Democrats for the Leadership Class" --Jesse Jackson, progressive black Democrat, describing the DLC.
Official Website:
http://www.ndol.orgI like this article posted at the "DLC" website as well...dripping with irony..as they fawn all over Joe Lieberman and hail him as the great 'problem-solving-unifier' when he defeated the Democratic challenger. So Hillary-esque where words do not match deeds in the least. "We" are the enemy.
Lieberman Comes Back
On the one side stands what might be called the school of polarization.
The Democrats in this camp have been radicalized by their anger at President Bush's policies and leadership, which they tend to view as venal and illegitimate. They believe that the Democratic leadership in Washington has been far too accommodating -- some would say feeble -- in its opposition, and that the only way to win electorally and legislatively is to fight ire with ire.
These polarized Democrats, who fueled the rise of Lamont's candidacy, have gone past disagreeing with the Republicans, to despising them. They no longer see Republicans as the opposition, but as the enemy. And they believe that the end of defeating this enemy justifies just about any means.
On the other side stands the school of problem-solving. The Democrats in this camp are also deeply troubled by the direction of the country under Bush and strongly disagree with
most of his policies. But they don't believe the way to move the country forward -- or to earn the voters' trust -- is simply to repackage the hard partisanship and divisiveness of the Bush years in blue wrapping.
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That is ultimately what made Round Two of the Lieberman-Lamont face-off so significant -- it provided the party with a nearly pure real-world test of these two competing approaches. Two Democrats, who, outside of Iraq, were actually pretty close to each other on most issues, ran in a state that reliably votes Democratic in national elections but where independents are the biggest voting bloc. They, in turn, were competing against a non-viable Republican candidate.
Of course, the Lamont partisans and the bloggers who wanted to purge Lieberman from the party will dispute that characterization. But once you cut through all the hyperbole and misinformation, it is clear that Lieberman was being targeted for expulsion not as a matter of policy, but of purity. He did not share the polarized Democrats' hatred and contempt for Bush and the Republican leadership, and he committed the unpardonable sin of actually working with the other side on occasion.
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Once the primary was over, the Lieberman campaign fully expected Lamont to follow the normal rules of politics and adapt his strategy and broaden his message for a general election audience. After all, Democrats comprised only 34 percent of the vote in the general election -- 44 percent were independents and 21 percent were Republicans.
Instead, still stuck in their blogospheric echo chamber, the Lamont campaign chose to re-run the primary and speak almost exclusively to Democrats. We marveled at how their schedule was still filled with stops at Democratic town committees and college campuses -- and how they continued to cast the race in narrowly partisan terms.
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The defining moment of the general election may have been primary night itself. That's when Lamont introduced himself to the rest of the state by giving a milquetoast reiteration of his primary stump speech -- and allowed himself to be flanked by Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson, two of the more divisive figures in American politics. Lieberman, on the other hand, stunned the political world by giving a dynamic, forceful non-concession speech, in which he deftly framed the race to come and counter-intuitively seized the mantle of change agent.
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When Lamont's polarizing strategy failed to sway the independent voters he needed, his campaign and its blogger boosters went even deeper off the deep end. They sent out mailers attacking Lieberman for being "George Bush's point man on Social Security privatization" -- one of the more brazen lies I have ever seen in a campaign for high office. They absurdly accused Lieberman of taking bribes from energy lobbyists in exchange for his vote on the energy bill, as well as creating a campaign slush fund to buy votes. And they aggressively peddled an Internet ad morphing Joe Lieberman into Richard Nixon, accusing him of engaging in "Nixonian deception" on Iraq.
Blinded by rage. If there was one thing that the people of Connecticut knew about Joe Lieberman after 24 years in statewide office, it was that they could trust him. But the bizarre tactics of the people driving the Lamont bus suggest that they were so blinded by their rage -- against Bush, the war, and Lieberman -- that they would have preferred to run over their opponent rather than win the race.
http://www.dlc.org/ndol_ci.cfm?kaid=127&subid=173&contentid=254149