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Consider Texas. It's a good example. How did the voting go? How did the caucus go?
Now consider a state like Iowa. You get delegates, but the voting is non-existent. Caucus only.
Then consider, oh, I don't know, California. You get delegates, but the grass-roots level caucus is non-existent. Voting only.
This leads to a problem: You can't go on the basis of a primary vote, because some states only have a caucus. But Texas shows that you can't go on the basis of the caucus results to show how a voting primary would have turned out, so extrapolating back from a caucus to some theoretical voter preference is inane.
Even if you just had primaries, precincts are weighted differently as the popular vote is converted into delegates. Where I voted had high turnout and a fairly large number of delegates because turnout was high in the last election; where others voted had a large turnout but a small number of delegates because turnout was low in the last election. In other words, my vote was worth more than other Texan's, but probably less than those of Texans in some other precincts. So votes don't translate directly into delegates.
Then there's the issue of closed versus open primaries. BO does well with independents; he's also gotten the lion's share of the repub cross-over vote. You can really compare states where the dem vote is diluted with cross-over voting against those where vote totals reflect just registered dems? (And where do you put Texas, where prior to voting as a cross-over voter you first join the dem party?)
Conclusions: Delegate count doesn't necessarily accurately reflect popular vote. Caucus results don't necessarily accurately reflect popular support. "Popular vote" doesn't necessarily express *Democratic Party* vote.
There's more. The process is based on delegates. Period. When push comes to shove, pledged and unpledged delegates are the same; take the Iowa second-round caucus results, where HRC supporters mourned losing, and BO delegates cheeredpicking up, a pledged delegate. In other words, moralistic arguments about loyalty and "what must be" fell by the board when principle came up againsts partisanship.
Given the uncertainties in what the delegate count must mean--you can play with probabilities and the underlying assumptions until you turn blue in the face--all that you're left with are specious arguments trying to force unpledged delegates to toe some partisan line.
What's left? The rules as approved. The delegates are free to do as they please. If they want to look at the popular vote, they're allowed to, if they want to base their collective decision on the pledged delegate count, they can; if the Texas unpledged delegates want to look at their state's delegate ratio, or play it winner-take-all, they can. If they want to say otherwise, they can. If they want to stay silent until they vote at the national convention, they can do that, too.
Personally, I don't think that having the first vote at the national convention "override" some supposed will of a specific group of voters would destroy the party. If it does, it's too weak to survive, too balkanized and riven by schisms. It may diminish turnout, but not devaste or ravage the party. Moreover, implicit threats that "you vote my way or get out" weaken the party as much, or more, than how the SDs vote: No one group can or should wag the dog, no group should let bitterness trump voting for what amounts to their best interests. Right?
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