I think the state's interest is in protecting human life because human life is inherently valuable.because I really don't know what that means.
My big toe is "human life". An egg is "human life", a sperm is "human life".
Actually, they aren't. They *have* human life, just as I do. I am not life. I have life. Just as I am not *a* life, I have a life.
An egg or sperm has life, but it doesn't have *a* life. A human being has a human life.
A fetus has human life, just as an egg or sperm or my big toe has human life. If the state has an interest in "protecting human life", what is it doing for my big toe and all the brazillians of eggs and sperm out there?
The issue at hand, then, is when does a life become human and deserving of protection?No, the issue is when a fetus becomes a human being and thus authomatically deserving of protection.
And the answer is: when it is born.
If a fetus becomes a human being at some point before it is born, then anyone who "kills" it, without one of the standard excuses/justifications, is guilty of homicide.
The fetus is alive, but it is not yet a functioning human with any of the major traits essential to humanity.Again -- and again, being straightforward with no intent to be rude -- so is my big toe, and so are egg and sperm: alive, and human.
Since a viable fetus definitely has an interest in being alive ...This "interest" business can be confusing. Can one say that a cat has an interest in being alive? Presumably. But one can't say that a cat has a right to be alive. "Rights" is a concept invented by human beings that applies to human beings only. (We are talking about fundamental or "human" rights here, not the kinds of rights that corporations have.)
A human being has interests protected by rights by virtue of being a human being: of being born, human and alive, no matter how young, no matter how genetically defective, no matter how close to death.
If a fetus had an "interest" in being alive that had to be recognized by law, or that was recognized by law, our entire concept of rights would have to change. The right the fetus would have would be a human right, and human rights come as a package: no one has the right to life but not the right to liberty, for instance. And no one has the right to life in only some circumstances, or depending on what someone else's interests are.
As such, there is no way to argue (IMHO) that it has an interest in being alive, or in anything.And the same applies until delivery. A fetus simply does not have interests, except inchoate interests -- interests that it will have in future, once it is born. If it is never born, its interests never materialized. An example, in practice, is that people can will property to a child not yet born, if there is a fetus in utero at the time the testator dies. But if the fetus in question is not born alive, its share of the estate does not go to its heirs: it was never a human being capable of inheriting, therefore it never inherited.
Science doesn't have an answer yet as to exactly when that changesAnd here is the big point. "Science" just does not tell us who or what has interests, and when or how. "Interests" is not a scientific concept. We use scientific concepts to determine whether something qualifies as that-which-has-interests -- is it born, alive and human? -- but sciences does not dictate the criteria we apply for doing that.
We decide those criteria, collectively, as human beings. And we have never, anywhere, decided that fetuses qualify as that-which-has-interests, and therefore as that-which-has-rights that protect those interests.
The fact that it is not yet born is simply a matter of its current location.Actually, no, it is no such simple matter. It is a matter of a very complex physciological process, for one thing. The physiological processes that occur at birth are profound. A successfully born child is no longer a fetus. It could not move back into the uterus it came out of and survive. It breathes air now, and performs a host of other processes for itself that it did not, and could not, do as a fetus. If it fails to perform those processes, it is not successfully born.
Here's how the Criminal Code of Canada expresses this:
223. (1) A child becomes a human being within the meaning of this Act when it has completely proceeded, in a living state, from the body of its mother, whether or not
(a) it has breathed;
(b) it has an independent circulation; or
(c) the navel string is severed.
Precisely because a fetus is *not* a human being, for the purposes of long-standing criminal law that reflects widespread and time-hallowed human consensus, but this society has decided that killing the fetus in the process of birth should not be permitted, the law then *deems* the fetus to be a human being at a certain point:
(2) A person commits homicide when he causes injury to a child before or during its birth as a result of which the child dies after becoming a human being.
I happen to think that law is bad law. The act described could indeed be defined as an offence, but to define it as homicide is wrong.
Saying that the difference between a fetus and a child is a matter of "location" is part of the simplistic, deceptive argument used by the anti-choice brigade.
BTW, I believe Scott Peterson was convicted of two counts of murder, as Conner was a viable fetus when the crime occured.Indeed. And slavery was once legal. The existence of a law does not make the law good, or constitutional. I have long argued that laws that define/punish causing an abortion as homicide are very bad and very unconstitutional laws (in the US, as they would be in Canada, were anyone to pass such bizarre and appalling laws). If a legislature can define/punish causing an abortion as homicide, why not just define shoplifting as homicide?
Perhaps "likely" viability is a better criterion. But in that sense, we're all "likely" viable as anyone could have a sudden heart attack or get hit by the proverbial bus at any time.Uh, no. I'm not viable at all; I'm alive. I'm not "capable of living", I'm living. And born, and human, and as such, on the "rights" side of the line that divides that-which-has from that-which-doesn't-have rights.
You also can't assume that babies with health problems are inherently against the state's interest. First of all, that is saying that some lives are more valuable than others, and second, you cannot assume what the baby's future capabilities will be.Well, I certainly didn't mean to say any such thing. I didn't say it was not in the state's interest to have babies with health problems born. What my question meant was: can the state advance an interest in having babies with severe, debilitating, expensive health problems born? Not whether it could advance and interest in them *not* being born. I'm not proposing that the state be able to compel anyone to terminate a pregnancy where that is going to happen; I'm proposing that it not be able to compel a birth, *including* where that is going to happen.
A perfectly healthy baby can grow up to shoot 30 people on a college campus or become the worst president ever.I'm sorry, but you're getting specious here. We are not talking about deciding which fetuses should or should not be permitted to be born. We are talking about which fetuses the state should be able to compel someone to bear.
I'm finding it hard to understand how an interest a woman has in "not being a mother" can be more compelling that the interest of an 8 month gestation fully viable fetus has in living.Well, now we're arguing in a circle, and on a tangent.
It has not been established that a fetus has an interest in anything. In fact, a fetus does *not* have any interest in anything.
And we are not talking about the interests of the fetus, non-existent as they are. We are talking about the interests of the state.
Indeed, the state could have an interest in protecting the fetus's interests, if such there were, just as it has an interest in protecting my interests. But until we establish that the fetus has such interests, we have not established that the state has that particular interest in late-term fetuses.
If the fetus has a protectable interest, it is in its life, then it has a right to life. And then killing it is homicide. And, as I've asked in this thread I think, is this where we want to go?
Never mind Scott Peterson. Imagine trying to get a doctor to terminate a pregnancy where the woman *might* die otherwise.
A woman's interest in "being not a mother" is a liberty interest: the right to liberty, and (in the US) not to be deprived thereof without due process. You folks would probably also call it a privacy interest. Up here, we would call it a security of the person interest -- ours reads "life, liberty and security of the person" -- since that concept includes psychological security, for instance.
And it can't be overridden without justification, according to the rules that apply.
Which means that the state has to state and prove its interest in, to put it more coherently than Blackmun J. did, for the purposes of discussion here, a pregnancy in which the fetus is hypothetically viable being carried to term and delivered, or delivered early by medical intervention, rather than terminated by abortion.
I think anyone who would rather kill the fetus at that stage has serious mental problems or is a sick human being.I think the same of anyone who calls young women "nappy-headed hos" on television, but I'm not proposing that it be a criminal offence to do so.
The state's job is to protect human beings from those who would hurt them without due cause, and as such, it is justified for it to step in in these situations.The circle, once again. A fetus is not, at present, a human being -- "human being" being a concept, with a definition, that does not at present include fetuses.
And anyone who wants to redefine "human being" to include fetuses really needs to think long and hard about the implications, because they are legion. They might start with imprisoning women who decline in-utero surgery to correct fetal defects, without which the fetus will not survive to term, and forcibly slicing them open. Certainly people in civilized societies are not permitted to deny such surgery to other human beings under their care; why should pregnant women be?
A lot of pro-choice people seem to advocate abortion on demand at all trimesters, no limits or conditions, which frankly, comes across as extreme and nuts to much of America.I don't think I need to name other things that much of America has regarded, and does regard, as extreme and nuts, that might not assist this argument.
Roe v. Wade was an attempt to strike a middle ground, and now both sides are battling it out over the details. But neither side is willing to compromise, and so we have an ugly mess."Compromise" is not a concept that applies to rights -- especially someone else's. I don't get to bargain away another woman's rights so that someone doesn't think I'm an extreme nutter.