Colombia: The enemies of peace and democracy
The Colombian government of Alvaro Uribe is making strenuous efforts to identify the FARC guerrilla movement as the chief threat to the country's security and progress. But the evisceration of Colombia's state and society by paramilitary violence presents a deeper danger, argues Jenny Pearce for openDemocracy.
By Jenny Pearce for openDemocracy (09/04/08)
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President Uribe is a threat to democracy because he does not really believe in it, and a threat to peace because he has no interest in it. Uribe believes in his direct relationship with the people, and in an efficient state machine to deliver the decisions he makes on behalf of the wealthy interests he protects. He is not interested in autonomous social organizations; labor, civil and human rights; or scrutiny by citizens, the lifeblood of an accountable and meaningful modern democracy.
His main presidential goal is a military defeat of the FARC; and to that end he will turn a blind eye to violence committed by any other armed actor. The result is to sow the seed for renewed violent conflict. Now, speculation is rife that he is now about to achieve his goal, and that a significant weakening of the FARC has been achieved. For Uribe, that is worth being forced - for example - by the Organisation of American States (OAS) to apologize to Ecuador for his infringement of their territory in the assassination of Raúl Reyes.
Whether the FARC is truly being seriously damaged is hard to judge. There is evidence of high-level infiltration of the FARC secretariat. The killing of a second FARC commander, "Ivan Rios" by his own head of security - a few days after the killing of Reyes - is an indication of this. The FARC is reduced in size and has suffered many desertions and loss of territory. However, it remains in control of vast areas of the south of Colombia, and still has an estimated 13,000 men under arms.
The FARC, in short, is a diminished military force but by no means a defeated one. Alvaro Uribe needs to show some very convincing victories in the coming months if he is to retain his political momentum. In the meantime, the cost of his policies is very high, both for the immediate future of the hostages and for the long-term prospects for peace. Reyes was killed at the moment when a high-level delegation from France was on its way to discuss the hostage situation with him; its members were warned against entering the guerrilla-camp zone by the Colombian government. The Colombian government's raid on the zone eliminated one of the FARC's most experienced international negotiators (as French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner said: "It is not good news that the man with whom we talk and have contact, is dead").
Uribe's domestic support gives him a great deal of leverage and legitimacy. But apart from his key allies in the Washington and London governments, his international standing is not so high. Even the Democrats in the United States have so far blocked Uribe's much desired free-trade agreement on the grounds of the absence of trade-union rights, and in view of the killings of 2,515 trade unionists since 1986 (mostly, where there is evidence, victims of the paramilitary). Most European governments (apart from Britain's) have been consistent in pushing for a peaceful negotiation to end the conflict, and improvement in Colombia's human-rights situation.
The international community has generally not accepted the intervention of the FARC in Ecuadorean territory as justification for the bombing of its camp and the killing of 21 people (including some Mexican students who were present). In Latin America, Uribe is isolated from the leftward regional shift in the 2000s. Many of his neighbors see Uribe's "pacification" project as ultimately one which favors certain sectors of the Colombian elite, particularly those which have accumulated their wealth through illegal and violent means.
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http://www.isn.ethz.ch/news/sw/details.cfm?ID=18843