Ocean [View all]

[H2O Man]

“A drop in the ocean partakes of the greatness of its parent, although it is unconscious of it. But it dries up as soon as it enters upon an existence independent of the ocean.”
-- Gandhi

In the months leading up to this week’s elections, I have posted a number of essays here about the contests in the town of Sidney, N.Y.. Everything good and bad about the United States can be found in this upstate, very republican community. The local volunteer fire department just returned from emergency response work on the coastal region devastated by Hurricane Sandy. Its Town Supervisor -- the infamous tea party Bob McCarthy, who led the fight that sought to force the removal of all Islamic graves from Sidney’s soil -- just cut the highway department’s budget, which translates into the lay-off of all but the first-shift. As McCarthy lives in Florida during the winter months, he does not care that there will be little, if any, plowing of the roads from 5 pm to 5 am, the very hours when fire trucks and ambulances are most often called to emergencies.

In that town’s 238-year history, its Town Board has always had a republican majority. Until this week, that is.

I ran one candidate’s campaign (my nephew), and co-ran another’s; these were the two Democrats, running against three republicans, for two seats on the board. Now, this is in a town where registered republicans outnumber registered democrats by more than three-to-one. There is a significant number of “independent” voters, too, but republicans are by far the majority. Yet not only did our two candidates win on Tuesday, but they won with record numbers of votes, in what local media called “the most heated campaign in Sidney’s history.”

How did we do this? I think that is an important question, because if we could do it in Sidney, others -- including you -- can do it where you live. Our effort included the contributions of the local Democratic Party, and of activists from the independent Democratic Left. Our basic strategy is found, not coincidentally, in the free e-book that I wrote this summer, and which can be found here:

http://mountmoses.wordpress.com/

For this discussion, I’ll attempt to briefly outline some of the highlights. To begin with, we knew that we were doing battle with the republican machine, which has three levels: there is the identified leadership (generally older white males) who run the public show, but who tend to be the errand-boys for the true leaders; there is the actual leadership, comprised of those who run events from behind the curtain (they are the businessmen); and there are the cogs, or the registered republican base. This base does what it is told, without giving it conscious thought -- for that is the nature of machines, which are by definition unconscious.

Indeed, the republican machine, be it a tractor in a town like Sidney, or a huge bulldozer in your state, is unconscious of the destruction that its driver uses it for. That “identified leader” driving the machine knows, of course, as does the actual leader, who identifies what their latest project seeks to destroy.

Thus, the basic strategy that I use in running a campaign can be defined in one of two ways, depending upon which you prefer. It’s fair to say I believe in “waking up” the unconscious cogs in that republican machine, trusting that a significant number of them will respond by recognizing their humanity. Or one could accurately say that I believe in kicking the wheels off the republican machine. Either description is fine.

How is that accomplished? The first task is identifying those in the community who are both part of a larger group -- including, for example, people who are not registered democrats -- and who are willing and able to invest time and energy in the campaign. In the context of this campaign, we had eight people who were on “tier one,” meaning they not only had solid experience, but that they attended almost every meeting we held. Then came “tier two,” comprised of people who were eager to gain experience, by investing significant time and energy into our effort.

I am, at this phase of my long life, a believer in non-violence. In social-political activism, that translates into the many actions described in the e-book, such as the hunger strike I engaged in January, 2012. I believe in confronting the darkness with light, and hatred with love (in the manner that “love” is defined in three tiers by Martin Luther King, Jr.). Yet in campaign-court activism, those darker impulses of the machine are best confronted by justice.

Let me explain this. That fellow Bob McCarthy, and his two tea party chums who assisted his cemetery project, are very difficult to like. They have a toxicity about them, that causes citizens at the town board meetings to react in disgust. I must admit that it is easy for me to pray for them while I’m engaged in ceremony, but difficult to not strongly dislike them as individuals. Thus, I try very hard to use the manner in which King confronted “Bull” Connor as a model for dealing with the three tea partiers.

Within our group, each person has individual talents. The full understanding of these differences is essential, in order to best coordinate the group. There are, not surprisingly, some who are not comfortable in trying to appeal to republicans. Their life experiences have created walls between them and republicans in general. Others have bridges that connect them to republican family members, friends, and/or neighbors. Appreciating that difference allows us to identify which group members will be tasked with reaching out to republicans, to wake them up to the reality of the damage the machine is doing.

Having those who aren’t involved in “republican outreach” focus on voter education, registration, and participation among other groups and individuals is equally important. Identifying those who prefer a different role -- such as delivering fliers door-to-door -- provides us with another equally important activity. Coordinating the letters-to-the-editors of local and regional newspapers is another equally important task. Each person is a unique finger, that combines with others to make the group a powerful fist.

When the republican leaders see that fist, they naturally react. And we can count on a hostile reaction. Time and time again, this has happened in Sidney over the last two years. And that has allowed us to separate the extremists from the moderates, to the point where we have won five out of five elections there in the past two years.

At last night’s town board meeting in Sidney, the three tea party members clearly recognized that the game has changed. They are isolated. In fact, even some moderate republicans were there, expressing disapproval of the damage the local machine has done, and continues to do at this time.

I’ll wrap up by saying this: I was also involved in several other campaigns. In one, for an open seat in the House of Representatives, I recommended that the candidate -- who I know casually -- use parts of the model we used in Sidney. Though he listened politely to me, the fellow who ran his campaign rejected my ideas. This prevented the candidate from getting widespread support from independents and the Democratic Left. I do understand the reasons for trying to “play it safe.” But this is no time to play, and our society is far from safe from the damage being inflicted by the republican machine.

Sorry to ramble on so long. I get carried away.