For the U. S. government to pay the cost of housing, feeding, and equipping foreign trainees is less onerous than paying for a U. S. squadron of instructors abroad. U. S. Assistant Secretary William R. Brownfield regards help from the Colombians as payback: Its a dividend we get for investing over $9 billion in support for Plan Colombia.
Importantly, there is the notion that if trainees violate human rights, the U. S. government is blameless inasmuch as the military and police instructors are Colombian. The dismal human rights record of police, soldiers, and paramilitaries in U. S. client states in Latin America provides a rationale for expecting trouble.
Testifying before Congress, U. S. Southern Command head General John Allen spoke of The beauty of having a Colombia theyre such good partners,
When we ask them to go somewhere else and train the Mexicans, the Hondurans, the Guatemalans, the Panamanians, they will do it almost without asking, (And its) important for them to go, because Imat least on the military siderestricted from working with some of these countries because of limitations that are, that are really based on past sins. And Ill let it go at that.
The Leahy Law of 1997 prohibits the furnishing of [military] assistance
to any foreign security force unit where there is credible information that the unit has committed a gross violation of human rights.